REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
United States Capitol Washington, DC
9:09 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President and Mr. Speaker,
and members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, fellow
Americans, thank you very much for that warm welcome.
We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian
Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August
2nd, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein
not to use force, a powerful Iraqi army invaded its trusting and much weaker
neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had
poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then
that I decided to check that aggression.
At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand
watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the
forces of more than 20 other nations. They are some of the finest men and
women of the United States of America. And they're doing one terrific job. (Applause.)
These valiant Americans were ready at a moment's notice to leave their
spouses and their children, to serve on the front line halfway around the
world. They remind us who keeps America strong. They do. (Applause.)
In the trying circumstances of the Gulf, the morale
of our servicemen and women is excellent. In the face of danger, they're
brave, well-trained and dedicated.
A soldier, Private First Class Wade Merritt of
Knoxville, Tennessee, now stationed in Saudi Arabia, wrote his parents of
his worries, his love of family, and his hope for peace. But Wade also
wrote, "I am proud of my country and its firm stance against inhumane
aggression. I am proud of my army and its men. I am proud to serve my
country." Well, let me just say, Wade, America is proud of you and is
grateful to every soldier, sailor, marine and airman serving the cause of
peace in the Persian Gulf. (Applause.)
I also want to thank the Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff General Powell; the Chiefs here tonight; our Commander in
the Persian Gulf, General Schwartzkopf; and the men and women of the
Department of Defense. What a magnificent job you all are doing. And thank
you very, very much -- (Applause.) I wish I could say that their work
is done. But we all know it's not.
So if there ever was a time to put country before
self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all
Americans, especially those here in this Chamber tonight, for your support
for our forces and for their mission. That support will be even more
important in the days to come.
So tonight, I want to talk to you about what's at
stake -- what we must do together to defend civilized values around the
world and maintain our economic strength at home.
Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our
goals defined and familiar: Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely,
immediately, and without condition. (Applause.) Kuwait's legitimate
government must be restored. The security and stability of the Persian Gulf
must be assured. And American citizens abroad must be protected. (Applause.)
These goals are not ours alone. They've been
endorsed by the United Nations Security Council five times in as many weeks.
Most countries share our concern for priniple. And many have a stake in the
stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it,
the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world. (Applause.)
As you know, I've just returned from a very
productive meeting with Soviet President Gorbachev. And I am pleased that we
are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint
statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq's threat
to peace. Let me quote: "We are united in the belief that Iraq's aggression
must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger
states can devour their smaller neighbors."
Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-west
confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.
(Applause.) A new partnership of nations has begun.
We stand today at a
unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as
it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of
cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective -- a
new world order -- can emerge: a new era -- freer from the
threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice, and more secure in the
quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, East and West,
North and South, can prosper and live in harmony.
A hundred generations have searched for this elusive
path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human
endeavor. Today that new world is struggling to be born. A world
quite different from the one we've known. A world where the rule of law
supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the
shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong
respect the rights of the weak.
This is the vision that I shared with President
Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and other leaders from Europe, the Gulf and around
the world, understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the
future for generations to come.
The test we face is great -- and so are the stakes.
This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of
our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of
purpose, if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be
a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.
America and the world must defend common vital
interests. And we will (Applause.) -- and the world must support the
rule of law. And we will. (Applause.) America and the world must
stand up to aggression. And we will. (Applause.) And one thing more
-- in the pursuit of these goals America will not be intimidated. (Applause.)
Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam
Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth. We
do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say Saddam Hussein will
fail.
Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq
itself controls some 10 percent of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq
plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would
have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to
intimidate and coerce its neighbors -- neighbors who control the lion's
share of the world's remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so
vital to be dominated by one so ruthless. And we won't (Applause.)
Recent events have surely proven that there is no
substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no on. doubt
American credibility and reliability. Let no one-doubt our staying power. We
will, stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must
learn this fundamental truth. (Applause.)
From the outset, acting hand in hand with others,
we've sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to
Iraq's aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq
is unprecedented. Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are
there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be,
to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs,
soldiers from many nations stand shoulder to shoulder, resolute against
Saddam Hussein's ambitions.
Are can now point to five United Nations Security
Council resolutions-that condemn Iraq's aggression. They call for Iraq's
immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait's
legitimate government, and categorically reject Iraq's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.
Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release
of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in
contravention of international law. It is a mockery of human decency to call
these people "guests." They are hostages, and he whole world knows it. (Applause.)
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally,
said it all: "We do not bargain over hostages. We will not stoop to the
level of using human beings as bargaining chips ever." Of course, our hearts
go out to the hostages and to their families. But our policy cannot change.
And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by
this ruthless policy. (Applause.)
We're now in sight of a United Nations that performs
as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of
Secretary Genera]. Javier Perez de Cuel].ar. The United Nations is backing
up its words with action. The Security Council, has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils
of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive
step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with
these sanctions.
Together with our friends and allies, ships of the
United States Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters. They've already
intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three, regional
leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are
working. Iraq is feeling the heat.
We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders will
recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from
world trade, unable to sell, their oil. And only a tiny fraction of goods
gets through.
The communique with President Gorbachev made mention
of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq
literally need milk or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict
international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then food
will, be permitted.
At home, the material cost of our leadership can be
steep. That's why Secretary of State Baker and Treasury Secretary Brady have
met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective
effort must be shared. (Applause.) we are prepared to do our share
and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as
well. (Applause.)
The response of most of our friends and allies has
been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the
UAE, the United Arab Emirates have pledged to provide our deployed troops
with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be
provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.
I am also heartened to report that this
international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict --
those refugees. For our part, we've contributed $28 million for relief
efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular,
Saudi Arabia, Japan, and several European nations who have joined us in this
purely humanitarian effort.
There's an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
Oil-producing nations are already replacing lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output.
More than half of what was lost has been made up. And we're getting superb
cooperation. If producers, including the United states, continue steps to
expand oil and gas production, we can stabilize prices and guarantee against
hardship. Additionally, we and several of our allies always have the option
to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if conditions warrant.
As I've pointed out before, conservation efforts are essential to keep our
energy needs as low as possible. (Applause.) And we must then take
advantage of our energy sources across the board: coal, natural gas, hydro
and nuclear. (Applause.) Our failure to do these things has made us
more dependent on foreign oil than ever before. Finally, let no one even
contemplate profiteering from this crisis. We will not have it. (Applause.)
I cannot predict just how long it will take to
convince Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. Sanctions will take time to have
their full intended effect. We will continue to review all options with our
allies, but let it be clear: we will, not let this aggression stand. (Applause.)
Our interest, our involvement in the Gulf is not
transitory. It predated Saddam Hussein's aggression and will survive it.
Long after all our troops come home -- and we all hope it's soon, very soon
-- there will be a lasting role for the United States in assisting the
nations of the Persian Gulf. Our role then -- to deter future aggression.
Our role is to help our friends in their own self-defense. And something
else -- to curb the proliferation of chemical, biological, ballistic missile
and, above all, nuclear technologies. (Applause.)
Let me also make clear that the United States has no
quarrel with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's dictator and with
his aggression. Iraq will not be permitted to annex Kuwait. That's not a
threat, that's not a boast, that's just the way it's going to be. (Applause.)
Our ability to function effectively as a great power
abroad depends on how we conduct ourselves at home. Our economy, our Armed
Forces, our energy dependence, and our cohesion all determine whether we can
help our friends and stand up to our to to our foes.
For America to lead, America must remain strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are mutual and
reinforcing; a woven piece, strongly bound as Old Glory. To revitalize our
leadership, our leadership capacity, we must address our budget deficit --
not after Election Day, or next year, but now.
(Applause.)
Higher oil prices slow our growth, and higher
defense costs would only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. That deficit
was already greater than it should have been -- a projected $232 billion for
the coming year. It must -- it will -- be reduced.
To my friends in Congress, together we must act this
very month -- before the next fiscal year begins on October 1st -- to get
America's economic house in order. The Gulf situation helps us realize we
are more economically vulnerable what we ever should be. Americans must
never again enter any crisis -- economic or military -- with an excessive
dependence on foreign oil and an excessive burden of federal debt. (Applause.)
Most Americans are sick and tired of endless battles
in the Congress and between the branches over budget matters. It is high
time we pulled together and get the job done right. It's up to us to
straighten this out.
This job has four basic parts. First, the Congress
should, this month, within a budget agreement, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to increase
savings, investment, productivity and competitiveness for the longer term. (Applause.)
These measures include extending incentives for research and
experimentation; expanding the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establishing
tax-deferred family savings accounts; creating incentives for the creation
of enterprise zones and initiatives to encourage more domestic drilling;
and, yes, reducing the tax rate on capital gains. (Applause.)
And second, the Congress should, this month, enact a
prudent multiyear defense program -- one that reflects not only the
improvement in East-West relations, but our broader responsibilities to deal
with the continuing risks of outlaw action and regional conflict. Even with
our obligations in the Gulf, a sound defense budget can have some reduction
in real terms; and we're prepared to accept that. But to go beyond such
levels, where cutting defense would threaten our vital margin of safety, is
something I will, never accept. (Applause.)
The world is still dangerous. And surely, that is
now clear. Stability's not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Interdependence has increased. The consequences of regional instability can
be global. This in no time to risk America's capacity to protect her vital
interests.
And third, the Congress should, this month, enact
measures to increase domestic energy production and energy conservation in
order to reduce dependence on foreign oil. (Applause.) These measures
should include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, fuel-switching, and to accelerate the development of the
Alaskan energy resources without damage to wildlife. (Applause.)
As you know, when the oil embargo was imposed in the
early 1970s, the United States imported almost six million barrels of oil, a
day. This year, before the Iraqi invasion, U.S. imports had risen to nearly
eight million barrels per day. And we'd moved in the wrong direction. And
now we must act to correct that trend.
And fourth, the Congress should, this month, enact a
five-year program to reduce the projected debt and deficits by $500 billion
-- that's by half a trillion dollars. And if, with the Congress, we can
develop a satisfactory program by the end of the month, we can avoid the axe
of sequester -- deep across-the-board cuts that would threaten our military
capacity and risk substantial domestic disruption. (Applause.)
I want to be able to tell the American people that
we have truly solved the deficit problem. And for me to do that, -. budget
agreement must meet these tests:
- It must include the measures I've recommended to
increase economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
- It must be fair. All, should contribute, but the
burden should not be excessive for any one group, or of programs, or
people.
- It must address the growth of government's hidden
liabilities, must be real. (Applause.)
- It must reform the budget process, and further,
it must be real. (Applause.)
I urge Congress to provide a comprehensive five-year
deficit reduction program to me as a complete legislative package, with
measures to assure that it can be fully enforced. America is tired of phoney
deficit reduction, or promise-now, save-later plans. (Applause.) It
is time for a program that is credible and real.
Arid finally, to the extent that the deficit
reduction program includes new revenue measures, it must avoid any measure
that would threaten economic growth or turn us back toward the days of
punishing income tax rates. (Applause.) That is one path we should
not head down again.
I have been pleased with recent progress, although
it has not always seemed so smooth. But now it's time to produce.
I hope we can work out a responsible plan. But with
or without agreement from the budget summit, I ask both Houses of the
Congress to allow a straight up-or-down vote on a complete $500-billion
deficit reduction package not later than September 28. (Applause.)
If the Congress cannot get me a budget, then
Americans will have to face a tough, mandated sequester.
I'm hopeful, in fact, I'm confident that the
Congress will do what it should. And I can assure you that we in the
Executive Branch will do our part.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus at home.
This is never easy in democracies -- for we govern only with the consent of
the governed. And although free people in a free society are bound to have
their differences, Americans traditionally come together in times of
adversity and challenge.
Once again, Americans
have stepped forward to share a tearful good-bye with their families before
leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this very moment, they serve
together with Arabs, Europeans, Asians and Africans in defense of principle
and the dream of a new world order. That's why they sweat and toil in
the sand and the heat and the sun.
If they can come together under such adversity; if
old adversaries like the Soviet Union and the United States can work in
common cause; then surely we who are so fortunate to be in this great
chamber -- Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you. Good night. And God bless the United
States of America. (Applause.)
